LANGSTON HUGHES, FOREMOST POET OF THE HARLEM RENAISSANCE
The
poetry of protest and resistance arouses our critical attention because
it represents a major type of world literature. This type of literature is often associated
with liberation movements.
What is a “liberation movement”?
“A
liberation movement is a type of social movement that seeks territorial
independence or enhanced political or cultural autonomy (or rights of various
types) within an existing nation-state for a particular national, ethnic, or
racial group. The term has also been extended to or adopted by other types of
groups (e.g., women and gays and lesbians) that seek to free themselves from
various forms of domination and discrimination. National liberation movements
have been an especially important force in the modern world…The division of the
globe into nation-states, many of the wars among these states, and the hundreds
of historical and contemporary conflicts among states and ethnic groups—in
short, fundamental aspects of the modern world—cannot be understood without
also understanding liberation movements.”
—“Liberation
Movements,” Encyclopedia.com by Jeff
Goodwin
Although pro-democracy movements or armed left-wing insurgencies usually come to mind when we think of liberation
movements, they also arise from the right wing, e.g. Islamist groups like Al Qaeda,
ISIS, or the Taliban. Palestinian nationalism is a type of liberation movement.
Notably, authoritarian regimes and those incorporating varying degrees of authoritarianism characterize the majority of political systems today. Notwithstanding, political authoritarianism, rather than extinguishing liberation movements, incites them. They cannot be just switched off because they arise when oppressed groups resist social injustice, real or imagined, and seek structural redress.
The U.S. civil rights movement has been one of the most signal liberation movements in modern world history. Undertaken and led largely by African Americans—when we say “African Americans,” we mean the U.S. black population mainly—and directed against legally sanctioned racial segregation and discrimination in U.S. society—the U.S. civil rights movement was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s strategy of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance, and possibly for this reason the movement was exceptionally successful in achieving its goals, at least in the political and legal aspects.
Notably, authoritarian regimes and those incorporating varying degrees of authoritarianism characterize the majority of political systems today. Notwithstanding, political authoritarianism, rather than extinguishing liberation movements, incites them. They cannot be just switched off because they arise when oppressed groups resist social injustice, real or imagined, and seek structural redress.
The U.S. civil rights movement has been one of the most signal liberation movements in modern world history. Undertaken and led largely by African Americans—when we say “African Americans,” we mean the U.S. black population mainly—and directed against legally sanctioned racial segregation and discrimination in U.S. society—the U.S. civil rights movement was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s strategy of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance, and possibly for this reason the movement was exceptionally successful in achieving its goals, at least in the political and legal aspects.
At least four
major areas of the U.S. political and legal system were reformed: U.S. Supreme Court rulings striking down Jim Crow legislation; the passage of federal civil rights laws; 1964
ratification of the 24th amendment; and the formation of federal
agencies tasked with civil rights agendas.
Despite the fact that racism still characterizes U.S. society today—it is an open scientific question
whether social discrimination based on racial or ethnic group differences can
be wholly eliminated—African Americans surely have come a long way from being regarded
as chattel to electing one of their own to the presidency of a superpower.
Ideologically, the U.S. civil rights movement has directly influenced liberation movements worldwide, notably, nonviolent pro-democracy movements in the Philippines, Eastern Europe, China, Myanmar, “Arab Spring” countries, Ukraine, and Hong Kong (special administrative region of China), and feminist, gay rights, or indigenous people movements, which cut across individual nations. Not all pro-democracy movements have been successful.
At least 42 million blacks or about 14 percent of the U.S. population today are direct beneficiaries of the U.S. civil rights movement. This positive influence extends not only to the U.S. black population but also to other peoples of color in U.S. society.
Although
it is difficult to quantify the global impact of the U.S. civil rights movement in
terms of the total population affected, we can confidently say that its influence encompasses
a broad swath of past and ongoing liberation movements, so that the total number readily adds
up to the hundreds of millions.
The most important leader of the U.S. civil rights movement was Martin Luther King Jr. In this role he had a major influence on liberation movements arising since the sixties until the present time.
Between
King and Langston Hughes, the former was my first choice for inclusion in my
second list of ten greatest poets.
King?—a poet?
Look
at major portions of his famous 1963 speech, “I Have a Dream,” and tell me it
isn’t poetry:
Let
us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And
so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a
dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I
have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true
meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal.”
I
have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former
slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at
the table of brotherhood.
I
have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering
with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be
transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I
have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where
they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their
character.
I
have a dream today!
—“I
Have a Dream,” August 28, 1963 by Martin Luther King, Jr.
Eventually,
I eliminated King from my list of candidates for ten greatest poets, numbers 11
to 20, because he was a civil rights activist first, a poet second. In
contrast, Langston Hughes was a poet first, a political activist second.
Similarly,
I eliminated Maya Angelou from my list of candidates because I see her as a
political activist first, a poet second. Although I readily acknowledge Angelou’s
popularity and influence, especially in the U.S., I do not find her poetry qua
poetry, especially distinguished.
One
reviewer, for example, has described her poetry as “Hallmark.” See “The Awfully
Good Activism and Terribly Bad Poetry of Maya Angelou”:
—“The Awfully Good Activism and Terribly Bad Poetry of Maya Angelou,” Daily Review (August 15, 2016) by Helen Razer
—“The Awfully Good Activism and Terribly Bad Poetry of Maya Angelou,” Daily Review (August 15, 2016) by Helen Razer
Poetry magazine is far
kinder, saying she would perform her poetry before spellbound crowds. The article celebrates her connection to “African-American oral traditions
like slave and work songs, especially in her use of personal narrative and
emphasis on individual responses to hardship, oppression, and loss,” adding that
besides individual experience, she would “often respond to matters like race
and sex on a larger social and psychological scale.”
Langston Hughes is in my second list of ten greatest poets because he was the foremost poet of the Harlem Renaissance, a direct precursor of the U.S. civil rights movement, which has been and continues to be enormously influential worldwide, especially among liberation movements that espouse nonviolence.
Why is Langston Hughes the foremost poet of the Harlem Renaissance? We suggest that he wrote some of the most poignant, memorable, and finely crafted poems of the movement, and as a result stood out from the rest. At one point he was described as the “poet laureate of black America.”
I have selected several of Hughes’ most famous poems for analysis and commentary. They are vibrant examples of his work.
HARLEM
What
happens to a dream deferred?
Does
it dry up
like
a raisin in the sun?
Or
fester like a sore—
And
then run?
Does
it stink like rotten meat?
Or
crust and sugar over—
like
a syrupy sweet?
Maybe
it just sags
like
a heavy load.
Or does it
explode?
This poem was originally published in Montage of a Dream Deferred (1951).
Hughes
wrote multiple poems about dreams—“Dreams,” “I Dream a World,” “As I Grew Older,”
or “Let America Be America,” for example. Hughes’
“dream poems” allude to the “American Dream,” defined as follows:
“The
ideals of freedom, equality, and opportunity traditionally held to be available
to every American” and “A life of personal happiness and material comfort as
traditionally sought by individuals in the U.S.”
The
term “American Dream” was coined in 1931 by James Truslow Adams (1878-1949) in “Epic
of America”:
“…[as]
that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for
everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement. It is
a difficult dream for the European upper classes to interpret adequately, and
too many of us ourselves have grown weary and mistrustful of it. It is not a
dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which
each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which
they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are,
regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position.”
—“American
Dream,” Dictionary.com
“Harlem”
invokes a series of metaphors that unmistakably convey in negative terms the
denial to African Americans of the American Dream. Their disenfranchisement is a
“festering sore,” “rotten meat,” or “heavy load.”
Also
popularly known as “Dream Deferred,” “Harlem” has been described as prophetic. “Dream
deferred,” Hughes says in the poem, will at some point “explode,” which is
exactly what happened several years after the poem was published, when during
the U.S. civil rights movement African Americans successfully fought against Jim
Crow.
Critics connect the content of Martin Luther King’s writings directly to Langston
Hughes, especially “I Have a Dream,” King’s August 28, 1963 speech at the
Lincoln Memorial, Washington, D.C., and his “Letter from Birmingham Jail” published
on April 16 the same year.
See, for example:
—“How Langston Hughes’s Dreams Inspired MLK’s,” Smithsonian.com (February 1, 2017) by Kat Eschner
—“Langston Hughes’ hidden influence on MLK,” The Conversation (March 30, 2018) by Jason Miller
See, for example:
—“How Langston Hughes’s Dreams Inspired MLK’s,” Smithsonian.com (February 1, 2017) by Kat Eschner
—“Langston Hughes’ hidden influence on MLK,” The Conversation (March 30, 2018) by Jason Miller
King
did not acknowledge this literary debt because he was careful to distance
himself from Hughes who had in the past flirted with communism. Well aware that
opponents of the U.S. civil rights movement would seek to undermine it—and they
did so with some success—with blown-up charges of communist sympathy and affiliation,
King made a decision that was based on intelligent politics.
Was
Hughes a Communist? Depends on how you want to answer this question.
Two possible answers: “No” and “Nearly so.”
“No”—Hughes was never a member of the Communist party, he did not explicitly profess Communist ideology, and he never identified himself as a Communist.
“Nearly so”—Hughes was sympathetic toward Communism in the thirties, a period of major ideological flux and political upheaval in the U.S. and Europe. His political leanings should not surprise us because Communist ideology champions the struggle of the economically oppressed, which includes the racially oppressed blacks. Hughes’ poems were frequently published in the newspaper of the Communist Party of the U.S., and in 1938 he signed a statement supporting Stalin's purges. He supported causes pushed by Communist organizations, such as the drive to free the Scottsboro Boys and the side of the Spanish Republic, and he showed sympathy for Communist-led organizations like the John Reed Clubs and the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. In the fifties, however, he began to distance himself from his left-leaning past. His Selected Poems published in 1959, for example, omitted his radical poetry.
“I, Too,” like “Harlem,” protests the social oppression of blacks in the U.S. However, it does not make the same point so directly.
I, TOO
“No”—Hughes was never a member of the Communist party, he did not explicitly profess Communist ideology, and he never identified himself as a Communist.
“Nearly so”—Hughes was sympathetic toward Communism in the thirties, a period of major ideological flux and political upheaval in the U.S. and Europe. His political leanings should not surprise us because Communist ideology champions the struggle of the economically oppressed, which includes the racially oppressed blacks. Hughes’ poems were frequently published in the newspaper of the Communist Party of the U.S., and in 1938 he signed a statement supporting Stalin's purges. He supported causes pushed by Communist organizations, such as the drive to free the Scottsboro Boys and the side of the Spanish Republic, and he showed sympathy for Communist-led organizations like the John Reed Clubs and the League of Struggle for Negro Rights. In the fifties, however, he began to distance himself from his left-leaning past. His Selected Poems published in 1959, for example, omitted his radical poetry.
“I, Too,” like “Harlem,” protests the social oppression of blacks in the U.S. However, it does not make the same point so directly.
I, TOO
I,
too, sing America.
I
am the darker brother.
They
send me to eat in the kitchen
When
company comes,
But
I laugh,
And
eat well,
And
grow strong.
Tomorrow,
I’ll
be at the table
When
company comes.
Nobody’ll
dare
Say
to me,
“Eat
in the kitchen,”
Then.
Besides,
They’ll
see how beautiful I am
And
be ashamed—
I,
too, am America.
This poem was originally published in The Weary Blues (1926).
This poem was originally published in The Weary Blues (1926).
The vignette cuts to the chase—consigned to eat in the kitchen, the
speaker laughs, eats well, and grows strong. No bitterness here, we sense, but
rather self-assurance. He knows the indignity is temporary.
Seeing
the future, he foretells that it is his oppressors who will be shamed, not him.
He, the darker brother—they will see how beautiful he is.
Chiding,
the protest is powerfully understated.
The
opening and closing lines, symmetrical, allude to Walt Whitman’s “I Hear
America Singing,” sealing the poem, unifying it.
This last poem, “Po’ Boy Blues” is written in a variety of the slave dialect that over generations has changed and varied.
PO’ BOY BLUES
This last poem, “Po’ Boy Blues” is written in a variety of the slave dialect that over generations has changed and varied.
PO’ BOY BLUES
When
I was home de
Sunshine
seemed like gold.
When
I was home de
Sunshine
seemed like gold.
Since
I come up North de
Whole
damn world’s turned cold.
I
was a good boy,
Never
done no wrong.
Yes,
I was a good boy,
Never
done no wrong,
But
this world is weary
An’
de road is hard an’ long.
I
fell in love with
A
gal I thought was kind.
Fell
in love with
A
gal I thought was kind.
She
made me lose ma money
An’
almost lose ma mind.
Weary,
weary,
Weary
early in de morn.
Weary,
weary,
Early,
early in de morn.
I’s
so weary
I
wish I’d never been born.
This poem was originally published in The Weary Blues (1926).
This poem was originally published in The Weary Blues (1926).
Some in the Harlem Renaissance opposed this type of literature because, they said, it depicts African Americans in a demeaning light—poor, uneducated, repellent, in some instances involved in immorality or crime. Critical of Hughes’ poetry collection, Fine Clothes to the Jew (1927), Estace Gay, for example, argued “our aim ought to be [to] present to the general public, already misinformed both by well meaning and malicious writers, our higher aims and aspirations, and our better selves.”
Not
all critics were so urbane. The Chicago Whip,
for instance, according to Hughes, characterized him as “the poet low-rate of
Harlem.”
See:
—“Langston Hughes: The People’s Poet,” National Museum of African American History & Culture (February 1, 2018) by Angelica Aboulhosn
—“Langston Hughes: The People’s Poet,” National Museum of African American History & Culture (February 1, 2018) by Angelica Aboulhosn
Hughes
responded graciously to his detractors.
“I
sympathized deeply with those critics and those intellectuals, and I saw
clearly the need for some of the kinds of books they wanted. But I did not see
how they could expect every Negro author to write such books. Certainly, I
personally knew very few people anywhere who were wholly beautiful and wholly
good. Besides I felt that the masses of our people had as much in their lives
to put into books as did those more fortunate ones who had been born with some
means and the ability to work up to a master's degree at a Northern college.
Anyway, I didn't know the upper class Negroes well enough to write much about them.
I knew only the people I had grown up with, and they weren't people whose shoes
were always shined, who had been to Harvard, or who had heard of Bach. But they
seemed to me good people, too.”
Today,
Hughes’ poems flourish because, precisely, they were written in dialect, or at
least, a dialect form adapted to Standard English. His social realism meaningfully engages contemporary readers. History has proven his approach correct.
“Po’
Boy Blues” is compelling not only for the realism of the dialect but also
because it portrays the hard luck circumstances of the speaker, which
authentically recapitulate the condition at the time of the migrant black
underclass.
The
poem draws the reader into the touching perspective of the black migrant from
the South, enters into his predicament steeped in pathos, and concludes with his lament, deeply evocative.
Langston Hughes, 1942 |
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Except for works in the public domain, the poems reproduced here are shown according to principles of fair use, that is, for the purposes of analysis and commentary.
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